History, 1838–1856, volume F-1 [1 May 1844–8 August 1844]

  • Source Note
  • Historical Introduction
Page 45
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<​May 17​> to my nation the least attack of reproach, yet, as publicity was given of a western convention to take up the subject of a national merit— by delegating and instructing delegates, by the expression of a will to submit to the nomination of the Baltimore Convention and covenant to support the nominee— and with all the utterance of our disapprobation of ’s ever standing before the lovers of the “’76” cause in any character that might respect or recognize him as a portion of material in the erection or construction of this American microcosm I on this occasion stay the ceremony of exposition— I tremble for our once happy country, at the threat of ’s election again by the Americans to the Presidency and thank God that the age of gray hairs will to every American in these days say “look e’er you leap”; since 1819 I have risked an American’s part for the sustenance of democracy, and I do assert, Jeffersonianism; ever shaded by the promise of better times, while the Locker was opened and the Americans hope till spill’d. On this occasion, delegates hasten to the Baltimore convention— and like Americans, we trust, will represent the cares of a nation and claim the western peoples choice— open again as in the “Declaration of Independence” the assertion “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of the ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.”
Light and transient causes” may be by party opposition to be the movers for this proposition of Reform. But with one voice we will respond No! No!! No!!! For very many years agitating ceremonies have roused from their slumber, and caused the offsprings of “1776” to look back and rehearse the tales, remembering the savage shriek and calling up to horrible vivification the bloody banners of Britain, when the unholy proffer was made for “slavery or death”. When the cradle was only a forest of uncertainty and our Mothers as in the hands of Heaven’s King sustained to impart the voice of patriotic perfective and excellence. This day associates with our recollection much of the history of Americans, and but for the want of time ’twould be rehearsed. This day sweetens recollection with the privilege of a convention to tell over the national grievances— the omissions of official duty and the usurpation of aristocratical power. This day only whispers the silly lilliputian efforts of , sanctioned by , , and . This day published for days passed, has told the world that to be free was our privilege, that to renounce Van Burenism would be healthy to Americans— that to dissanction the deaf eared costumes of a White Housed scorpion was prudent, and to tell the old veterans of 1776 that those rights occupy our wills— and the spirits of our fathers yet mingle in our blood and stimulate our actions, to nobly die defending the covenant made by the signers of the “Declaration of Independence” on the 4th. day of July, 1776.
‘Nail to the topmast the Flag with letters of gold legible to all “Free trade and sailors rights, protection of person and property.”
‘Americans now begin to examine their privileges; and like the skilled physician examining a diseased heart, will thump in proper character on its environs for a flat cone— if flat, they’ll say “beware”— if cone “all’s right”— the diseased heart has been detected, and in its furious race, is hastening the exit of that aspirant, who, while in its premonitory stage said, “Your cause is a good one, but I cannot afford you any assistance in your present distressed condition”; and that man who refused the hearing of the Mormon grievances, when by a , a Steward, and a , they were offered for Congressional action [p. 45]
May 17 to my nation the least attack of reproach, yet, as publicity was given of a western convention to take up the subject of a national merit— by delegating and instructing delegates, by the expression of a will to submit to the nomination of the Baltimore Convention and covenant to support the nominee— and with all the utterance of our disapprobation of ’s ever standing before the lovers of the “’76” cause in any character that might respect or recognize him as a portion of material in the erection or construction of this American microcosm I on this occasion stay the ceremony of exposition— I tremble for our once happy country, at the threat of ’s election again by the Americans to the Presidency and thank God that the age of gray hairs will to every American in these days say “look e’er you leap”; since 1819 I have risked an American’s part for the sustenance of democracy, and I do assert, Jeffersonianism; ever shaded by the promise of better times, while the Locker was opened and the Americans hope till spill’d. On this occasion, delegates hasten to the Baltimore convention— and like Americans, we trust, will represent the cares of a nation and claim the western peoples choice— open again as in the “Declaration of Independence” the assertion “that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; that whenever any form of government becomes destructive of the ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.”
Light and transient causes” may be by party opposition to be the movers for this proposition of Reform. But with one voice we will respond No! No!! No!!! For very many years agitating ceremonies have roused from their slumber, and caused the offsprings of “1776” to look back and rehearse the tales, remembering the savage shriek and calling up to horrible vivification the bloody banners of Britain, when the unholy proffer was made for “slavery or death”. When the cradle was only a forest of uncertainty and our Mothers as in the hands of Heaven’s King sustained to impart the voice of patriotic perfective and excellence. This day associates with our recollection much of the history of Americans, and but for the want of time ’twould be rehearsed. This day sweetens recollection with the privilege of a convention to tell over the national grievances— the omissions of official duty and the usurpation of aristocratical power. This day only whispers the silly lilliputian efforts of , sanctioned by , , and . This day published for days passed, has told the world that to be free was our privilege, that to renounce Van Burenism would be healthy to Americans— that to dissanction the deaf eared costumes of a White Housed scorpion was prudent, and to tell the old veterans of 1776 that those rights occupy our wills— and the spirits of our fathers yet mingle in our blood and stimulate our actions, to nobly die defending the covenant made by the signers of the “Declaration of Independence” on the 4th. day of July, 1776.
‘Nail to the topmast the Flag with letters of gold legible to all “Free trade and sailors rights, protection of person and property.”
‘Americans now begin to examine their privileges; and like the skilled physician examining a diseased heart, will thump in proper character on its environs for a flat cone— if flat, they’ll say “beware”— if cone “all’s right”— the diseased heart has been detected, and in its furious race, is hastening the exit of that aspirant, who, while in its premonitory stage said, “Your cause is a good one, but I cannot afford you any assistance in your present distressed condition”; and that man who refused the hearing of the Mormon grievances, when by a , a Steward, and a , they were offered for Congressional action [p. 45]
Page 45