Letter to Lyman Wight and Others, 16 August 1834
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Source Note
JS, Letter, , Geauga Co., OH, to , , , , and others, [, Clay Co.], MO, 16 Aug. 1834. Retained copy, [ca. 16 Aug. 1834], in JS Letterbook 1, pp. 84–87; handwriting of ; CHL. Includes redactions. For more complete source information, see the source note for JS Letterbook 1.
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Historical Introduction
On 16 August 1834, JS wrote this letter to church leaders in , discussing how the Saints could redeem , or regain their lands. The expedition, led by JS a few months earlier, had been unable to restore the Saints to their property, and negotiations between Jackson County residents and church members had also come to naught. explained in a 1 August 1834 letter to Missouri governor that tensions remained high in western Missouri. Phelps related that sometime in summer 1834, one church member had crossed into Jackson County to collect a debt and had been brutally attacked. According to Phelps, the attackers had sworn “to kill every Mormon that came into Jackson County.” Therefore the prospect for the Saints reentering the county remained dim.JS’s letter, however, instructed church leaders to continue to take measures to regain their land. He directed them to correspond with and president Andrew Jackson to try to obtain military protection from the mobs. Some church leaders in Missouri—designated as “first elders” in the letter—had been assigned by JS and a council of to travel to , Ohio, to receive an of power, but they were also instructed to try to generate sympathy for the Saints’ plight by preaching on their way to Kirtland. In addition, JS instructed to be prepared to take a “little army” into Jackson County if the need arose. On 25 June 1834, JS pledged that the Camp of Israel would be disbanded, but he left open the possibility that it could be reassembled if negotiations between church members and Jackson County citizens were not successful. Since negotiations seemed to be going nowhere, JS counseled Wight to be ready to call up his army, especially if residents of started to turn against the Saints. Finally, JS set the date for the redemption of Zion as 11 September 1836, a little more than two years away. This date was almost certainly derived from an 11 September 1831 revelation that stated that God would “retain a strong hold in the Land of Kirtland for the space of five years,” after which he would “not hold any guilty that shall go with open hearts up to the Land of Zion.”In addition to giving instructions about redeeming Zion, JS mentioned the trouble he had encountered when and others accused him of committing improprieties as the leader of the Camp of Israel. An 11 August 1834 council cleared JS of any wrongdoing, and he expressed his hope that this incident was behind him so he could focus on other matters. JS also discussed the cholera epidemic that continued to rage in the and which had affected some church members, including members of the Camp of Israel. He concluded by lamenting the “languid cold disconsolate state” of the church.The original of JS’s letter—which was addressed to , , , , and the —has not been located. copied it into JS’s letterbook, probably shortly before the letter was sent. At a 10 September 1834 meeting of the Missouri high council, read this letter aloud, along with a petition he had composed in accordance with JS’s instructions in the letter.
Footnotes
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1
Historical Introduction to Declaration, 21 June 1834; Historical Introduction to Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105]; Historical Introduction to Letter to John Thornton et al., 25 June 1834.)
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2
William W. Phelps, Liberty, MO, to Daniel Dunklin, Jefferson City, MO, 1 Aug. 1834, copy, William W. Phelps, Collection of Missouri Documents, CHL, underlining in original.
Phelps, William W. Collection of Missouri Documents, 1833–1837. CHL. MS 657.
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3
A June 1834 revelation stated that the elders must be “endowed with power from on high” before Zion could be redeemed. Those assigned to go to Kirtland included David Whitmer, William W. Phelps, and John Whitmer, who were the three presidents of the high council. (Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:11]; Minutes, 23 June 1834; Minutes and Discourse, ca. 7 July 1834.)
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5
JS apparently gave this assignment to Wight before he left Missouri. A 12 July 1834 meeting of the Missouri high council referred to the “mission appointed” to Wight “by the seer” and assigned Amasa Lyman to go with Wight “to ascertain the strength of the Lord’s house.” According to Amasa Lyman’s journal, this meant visiting those who had been driven from Jackson County and determining how many Saints lived in “this land”—probably meaning either Clay County specifically or Missouri generally. (Minute Book 2, 12 July 1834; Lyman, Journal, 12 July 1834.)
Lyman, Amasa. Journals, 1832–1877. Amasa Lyman Collection, 1832–1877. CHL. MS 829, boxes 1–3.
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6
Revelation, 11 Sept. 1831 [D&C 64:21–22].
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8
Kimball, “Journal and Record,” 16–18; Parkin, “Zion’s Camp Cholera Victims Monument Dedication,” 4–5.
Kimball, Heber C. “The Journal and Record of Heber Chase Kimball an Apostle of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints,” ca. 1842–1858. Heber C. Kimball, Papers, 1837–1866. CHL. MS 627, box 1.
Parkin, Max H. “Zion’s Camp Cholera Victims Monument Dedication.” Missouri Mormon Frontier Foundation Newsletter 15 (Fall 1997): 4–5.
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9
Partridge, Corrill, and Morley constituted the bishopric in Missouri, but it is unclear why Wight, who was a member of the high council, was specifically mentioned. It may have been because Wight had served as the general of the Camp of Israel, or perhaps it was because JS gave him specific instructions in the letter. (Minutes, 3 July 1834; Kimball, “Journal and Record,” 12.)
Kimball, Heber C. “The Journal and Record of Heber Chase Kimball an Apostle of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints,” ca. 1842–1858. Heber C. Kimball, Papers, 1837–1866. CHL. MS 627, box 1.
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10
Minute Book 2, 10 Sept. 1834.
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1
Document Transcript
Footnotes
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1
The Missouri high council was formed in early July 1834 before JS left Missouri for Kirtland, Ohio. (Minutes, 3 July 1834; Minutes and Discourse, ca. 7 July 1834.)
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2
JS arrived in Kirtland sometime around 1 August. (JS History, vol. A-1, 528.)
JS History / Smith, Joseph, et al. History, 1838–1856. Vols. A-1–F-1 (original), A-2–E-2 (fair copy). Historian’s Office, History of the Church, 1839–ca. 1882. CHL. CR 100 102, boxes 1–7. The history for the period after 5 Aug. 1838 was composed after the death of Joseph Smith.
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3
The devil.
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4
For an explanation of Smith’s charges, see Minutes, 11 Aug. 1834.
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5
It is unclear what word JS used here. A later JS history gives it as “angel.” Webster’s 1828 dictionary gives one definition of angel as “an evil spirit; as, the angel of the bottomless pit.” (JS History, vol. A-1, 533; “Angel,” in American Dictionary.)
JS History / Smith, Joseph, et al. History, 1838–1856. Vols. A-1–F-1 (original), A-2–E-2 (fair copy). Historian’s Office, History of the Church, 1839–ca. 1882. CHL. CR 100 102, boxes 1–7. The history for the period after 5 Aug. 1838 was composed after the death of Joseph Smith.
An American Dictionary of the English Language: Intended to Exhibit, I. the Origin, Affinities and Primary Signification of English Words, as far as They Have Been Ascertained. . . . Edited by Noah Webster. New York: S. Converse, 1828.
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6
A council held on 11 August 1834 assigned Oliver Cowdery, Thomas Burdick, and Orson Hyde to compose an article stating that the council had found that JS had “acted in every respect in an honorable and proper Manner, with all monies and other properties entrusted to his charge.” This article was presented to another council on 23 August and took the form of a preamble and three resolutions. When it was published in the August 1834 issue of The Evening and the Morning Star, it also contained a statement signed by fifteen individuals who affirmed their satisfaction with the investigation, as well as a declaration signed by Lyman Johnson and Heber C. Kimball that stated they agreed with the resolutions’ depiction of JS’s conduct on the expedition. (Minutes, 11 Aug. 1834; Minutes, 23 Aug. 1834; Resolutions, ca. 23 Aug. 1834; “Conference Minutes,” The Evening and the Morning Star, Aug. 1834, 182.)
The Evening and the Morning Star. Independence, MO, June 1832–July 1833; Kirtland, OH, Dec. 1833–Sept. 1834.
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7
The Missouri high council was to act in both judicial and administrative functions. (Historical Introduction to Minutes and Discourse, ca. 7 July 1834.)
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8
A June 1834 revelation declared that God’s elders needed to “wait for a little season for the redemption of Zion.” The redemption would not happen until the elders were “endowed with power from on high.” The revelation continued that JS was the one who would choose “by the voice of the Spirit” those who would receive the endowment. On 23 June 1834, “a council of High Priests,” including JS, chose “some of the first Elders.” There are no extant instructions about the duty of the Missouri high council to choose others to go to Kirtland, but JS’s statement here suggests that he had provided such direction to the high council. (Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:9–11, 35–36]; Minutes, 23 June 1834; see also Minutes and Discourse, ca. 7 July 1834; and Minute Book 2, 6–7 Aug. 1834.)
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9
A June 1834 revelation stated that God would “give unto” the Saints “favor and grace” in the eyes of the people in western Missouri so that church members could “rest in peace and safety, whilst [they] are saying unto the people execute judgment Justice for us according to law, and redress us of our wrongs.” (Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:25].)
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10
TEXT: This insertion is written vertically in the left margin.
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11
Phelps had been selected as one of the first elders to travel to Kirtland for an endowment, but he did not leave for Kirtland until April 1835. On 10 September 1834, he presented the petition to the Missouri high council. The council accepted it at that meeting. (Minutes and Discourse, ca. 7 July 1834; Whitmer, History, 70; Minute Book 2, 10 Sept. 1834; for a copy of the petition, see Petition to Daniel Dunklin, 10 Sept. 1834, copy, William W. Phelps, Collection of Missouri Documents, CHL; and Whitmer, History, 68–70.)
Phelps, William W. Collection of Missouri Documents, 1833–1837. CHL. MS 657.
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12
Through the rest of 1834 and 1835, the petition circulated for signatures. On 31 December 1835, the Saints sent it to Governor Daniel Dunklin with several hundred signatures, although it is not clear how many of those were church members’ signatures and how many were non-Mormons’. (William W. Phelps et al., Kirtland, OH, to Daniel Dunklin, 30 Dec. 1835, copy; Daniel Dunklin, Jefferson City, MO, to William W. Phelps et al., Kirtland, OH, 22 Jan. 1836, William W. Phelps, Collection of Missouri Documents, CHL.)
Phelps, William W. Collection of Missouri Documents, 1833–1837. CHL. MS 657.
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13
For more information on the Saints’ previous efforts to get Governor Daniel Dunklin and President Andrew Jackson to provide military protection, see Historical Introduction to Declaration, 21 June 1834.
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14
A June 1834 revelation stated that “were it not for the transgression” of the church generally, Zion “might have been redeemed even now.” The revelation went on to state that “the church abroad” had not been willing to provide financial support and manpower for the Camp of Israel and was therefore under “condemnation.” (Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:2, 7–8].)
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15
See Genesis 41:47–49.
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16
See 1 Kings 12:16; and 2 Chronicles 10:16.
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17
In August 1833, Oliver Cowdery blamed some of the trouble that the Saints had in Jackson County on “those whose mouths are continually open, & whose tongues cannot be stayed from tatling!” A June 1834 revelation also told church members to “reveal not the things which” God had “revealed unto them” pertaining to Zion’s redemption. (Letter to Church Leaders in Jackson Co., MO, 10 Aug. 1833; Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:23].)
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18
Revelations in December 1833 and February 1834 instructed JS and others to gather up the strength of the Lord’s house, or God’s “wariors my young men and they that are of middle age,” so that Zion could be redeemed. The 22 June revelation informed the Camp of Israel that the redemption of Zion was postponed but instructed JS and the elders of the church to continue gathering the strength of the Lord’s house. (Revelation, 16–17 Dec. 1833 [D&C 101:55]; Revelation, 24 Feb. 1834 [D&C 103:22]; Revelation, 22 June 1834 [D&C 105:27].)
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19
TEXT: This insertion is written at the end of page 87. (See Revelation, 22–23 Sept. 1832 [D&C 84:58]; and Revelation, 30 Aug. 1831 [D&C 63:31].)
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20
According to the accounts kept for the Camp of Israel, JS received a fifty-dollar loan from Edward Partridge before returning to Kirtland. (Account with the Camp of Israel, ca. 11–29 Aug. 1834.)
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21
Three Hulet men were members of the church in Missouri: Charles, Sylvester, and Francis. An account detailing JS’s expenditures from and contributions to the Camp of Israel’s general fund indicates that JS had a three-year-old colt worth forty-five dollars that he then “exchanged for the chock hors[e],” but it does not state from whom JS originally obtained the colt. (Johnson, Life History of Charles Hulet, 64; Account with the Camp of Israel, ca. 11–29 Aug. 1834.)
Johnson, Eldred A., comp. The Life History of Charles Hulet and His Wives, Anna Taylor, Margaret Noah, and Mary Lawson Kirkman. Lindon, UT: By the author, 1991.
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22
The “consecratd horn” may refer to the horn used by the Camp of Israel. According to George A. Smith, this horn was a “common brass french horn.” (George A. Smith, Autobiography, 24.)
Smith, George A. Autobiography, ca. 1860–1882. George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322, box 1, fd. 2.
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23
McLellin departed Missouri in July with JS’s group. According to a 22 July 1834 entry in McLellin’s journal, when the group got to Paris, Illinois, McLellin “was so sick that [he] could not travel on.” He asked the group to continue on and leave him to recover. He did not start again for Kirtland until 15 September, after he had spent some time proselytizing in the area. (George A. Smith, Autobiography, 50; McLellin, Journal, 22 July and 15 Sept. 1834.)
Smith, George A. Autobiography, ca. 1860–1882. George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322, box 1, fd. 2.
McLellin, William E. Journal, July 1834–Apr. 1835. William E. McLellin, Papers, 1831–1836, 1877–1878. CHL. MS 13538, box 1, fd. 4. Also available as Jan Shipps and John W. Welch, eds., The Journals of William E. McLellin, 1831–1836 (Provo, UT: BYU Studies; Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994).
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24
“Sister Bunnel” may be Esther Mendenhall Bunnell, the wife of Luther B. Bunnell, who lived in Washington, Indiana. If so, she apparently overcame her illness at this time because she lived well past 1834. (Whitney, History of Utah, 4:600.)
Whitney, Orson F. History of Utah. 4 vols. Salt Lake City: George Q. Cannon and Sons, 1904.
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25
Cholera was prevalent in the United States in summer 1834, especially along watercourses. One newspaper reported that seventy people died in Detroit from cholera between 2 and 14 August 1834. According to another report, cholera broke out in Buffalo in July 1834; by August, Buffalo was “the most afflicted city” in the state of New York. The disease also “extensively prevailed” in Cleveland. (“The Cholera,” New-York Spectator, 21 Aug. 1834, [2]; “This Day,” New-York Spectator, 25 Aug. 1834, [1]–[2]; “Board of Health,” New-York Spectator, 1 Sept. 1834, [2].)
New-York Spectator. New York City. 1804–1867.
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26
George A. Smith later remembered passing through Chariton on 12 July and finding the town “nearly abandoned, in consequence of the cholera, the inhabitants having fled in every direction.” (George A. Smith, Autobiography, 52.)
Smith, George A. Autobiography, ca. 1860–1882. George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322, box 1, fd. 2.
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27
See Isaiah 1:5.